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> Press
release: WTO
Director-General Mike Moore calls for increased trade liberalization
to help finance development
|

 I
come to you with a clear and simple message: Poverty in all its forms
is the greatest single threat to peace, democracy, human rights and
the environment. It is a time-bomb against the heart of liberty; but
it can be conquered and we have the tools in our hands to do so, if
only we have the courage and focus to make proper use of them.
One
of these tools is trade liberalisation. It can make a huge
contribution to the generation of resources for the financing of
development. Study after study has shown the enormous impact of trade
liberalisation. Let me cite but one example. Everyone, globaliser or
opponent, NGO or multinational, left or right on the political
spectrum, would agree that health and education are the fundamental
bases of any development programme. Recent studies have estimated that
the cost of achieving the core Millennium Development Goal of
universal primary education could be in the region of
US$10 billion per year. Yet developing countries would gain more
than 15 times this amount annually from further trade
liberalisation, according to one study by the Tinbergen Institute.
Indeed,
the staff of the IMF and World Bank estimate that reaching all seven
of the Millennium Development Goals would require an additional
US$54 billion annually — just one-third of the Tinbergen
estimate of developing country gains from trade liberalisation. And
the World Bank's Global Economic Prospects report estimates that
abolishing all trade barriers could boost global income by
$2.8 trillion and lift 320 million people out of poverty by
2015.
Of
course, these are only estimates and we can quibble about the figures.
But the basic message is clear: if governments put their minds to it,
the new trade round launched at Doha can bring huge benefits. It is
this immense magnitude of the benefits of trade liberalisation, which
makes the work your governments are doing in implementing the Doha
Development Agenda so potentially important as a source of finance for
development.
Poor
countries need to grow their way out of poverty and trade can serve as
a key engine of that growth. But currently products of developing
countries face many obstacles in entering the markets of rich
countries. Rich countries need to do more to reduce trade distorting
subsidies and dismantle their existing barriers on competitive exports
from developing countries. So a basic priority of the international
trade community must be — as the Doha Development Agenda recognised
— the creation of conditions in which developing countries can
maximise the gains they are able to reap from trade. This requires
action in four key areas:
- Agriculture:
this is the backbone of almost all developing economies. The
poorest part of the population – living in the rural areas –
depend for their incomes on the development of a sustainable and
productive agricultural sector. Nearly 50 developing
economies depend on agriculture for over one-third of their export
earnings. Nearly 40 of them depended on agriculture for over
50 percent of their export earnings in 1998-2000. Yet massive
agricultural support in the OECD countries undercuts the
developing countries and forces even the most efficient producers
out of markets where they would otherwise be earning foreign
exchange. The number one element of a true development agenda will
therefore be to reduce substantially such support (and to
eliminate the specific export subsidies – but these are only a
very small fraction of total agricultural support payments which
reach a billion dollars a day). In addition, the average OECD
bound tariff rate for agricultural products is four times that on
industrial products. The return to developing countries in this
one area would be eight times all the debt relief granted
developing countries thus far. Complete liberalisation in all
sectors, agriculture, services and manufactures, would amount to
about eight times ODA. Rapid action is also needed on this.
- Textiles
and clothing: this is the greatest export earner for many
developing countries, and the negotiations must ensure that the
sector is cleanly “integrated” as planned for
1 Jan 2005. Given the back-loading of this agreement,
with the bulk of changes substantively improving export prospects
of developing countries being left until the final year, there is
every reason to be extremely vigilant.
- Tariff
peaks: study after study has shown how, despite low average
non-agricultural tariffs, the products in which developing
countries are competitive nevertheless continue to attract
relatively high tariffs (in both developed and developing
countries); these must imperatively be beaten down in the
negotiations if trade is to provide the needed boost to resources
for development.
- Tariff
escalation: even more insidious an issue than tariff peaks is that
of tariff escalation, which tilts the tables against the
development of indigenous processing/transformation (and thus
movement up the value-added chain). If developing countries are
ever to diversify their economies away from the dependence on a
few primary products for most of their foreign exchange earnings,
cutting them off from the most dynamic part of world merchandise
trade, such escalation must be rooted out.
How
do we pay for our dreams and the vision of this conference? The
restrictions I've outlined are costly to the countries that maintain
them. For example, protection costs the European Union, the US and
Japan, from between US$70 to US$110 billion each annually. The
net losses to the US associated with its textile and clothing import
restrictions alone amount to over $10 billion annually.
This
conference is about financing development in an era when private
foreign direct investment outnumbers ODA four-fold, and is ten times
the World Bank's development lending. Knowing that no country has too
much invested, we should encourage an international agreement on
investment. It's on the Doha Development Agenda, but many countries
don't yet feel they have the ability to cope with the complexities of
such negotiations.
Other
important development and good governance issues such as transparency
in government procurement, competition policy and trade facilitation,
need direction from the highest political levels. Trade facilitation,
according to APEC and UNCTAD studies, will generate huge returns. An
Inter-American Development Bank study showed how in South America a
truck delivering product to markets across two borders took
200 hours, 100 hours of which were bound up in bureaucratic
delays at the border.
The
need for this public service infrastructure improvement is desperately
urgent to protect and promote domestic property rights and justice
systems. Domestic red-tape and bad governance is costly and corrosive.
The
poor's assets need to be legitimised. In Latin America 80% of all real
estate is held outside the law. The extra-legal sectors in developing
countries account for 50% – 70% of all working people. In the
poorest nation in Latin America, the assets of the poor are more than
150 times greater than all foreign investment since their
independence in 1804. In one African country, it took
77 bureaucratic procedures at 31 public and private agencies
to legally acquire land.
And
if the US were to raise its ODA to the UN target of 0.7% it would take
the richest country on the planet 150 years to transfer to the
world's poor resources equal to those they already possess.
Unlocking
and securing these investments, this talent and skill is the
challenge. This is where we can converge with the ambitions of NEPAD
and other bold initiatives.
Developing
countries need not wait until the conclusion of the Doha Development
Round. South/south trade in the 1990s grew further than world trade
and now accounts for more than one-third of developing country
exports, or about $650 billion. The World Bank reports that 70%
of the burden on developing countries' manufactured exports result
from trade barriers of other developing countries. The quicker those
walls come down, the quicker the returns to developing countries.
So
the way forward is clear: you, Excellencies, should resolve at this
Conference to instruct your trade ministers to ensure that their
officials cast aside the petty mercantilist methodology, which has
pervaded trade negotiations for so many decades, in favour of a grand
bargain that would see the barriers I mentioned above (and others
which persist in areas I have not mentioned) dismantled. Then trade
can play its important role in generating finance for development —
a role which, not incidentally, would also reduce significantly the
burden on other facets of the finance for development equation.
I
have good news to report from Geneva. Donor governments have kept
their word, giving us increased funding in our core budget for
additional technical assistance to ensure developing countries can
participate fully in the new Round. On top of this our Pledging
Conference gave us CHF 30 million, double our target. We
must redirect ODA and technical assistance to train negotiators, build
efficient customs regimes and plug porous tax systems. We must give as
much attention to building up the intellectual infrastructures of
skilled public servants, as we did filling in potholes, building roads
and dams.
The
UN agencies have been very supportive of the WTO, and partnerships
with sister organizations have been formed, increasing institutional
coherence and making better use of your resources. The round is
successfully under way and everything, from negotiating structure,
time-tabling of meetings, to consensus on chairpeople for all
committees, is on schedule. The Doha Development Round can be achieved
and implemented on time. Conditionality was improved by developing
countries at Doha, the condition for success will be improving
capacity to provide for good governance to enable them to participate,
negotiate, conclude and implement our agenda. This is being done. We
must and we can succeed.
> Press
release: WTO
Director-General Mike Moore calls for increased trade liberalization
to help finance development |
|