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Opinions expressed in the case studies and any errors or omissions
therein are the responsibility of their authors and not of the
editors of this volume or of the institutions with which they are
affiliated. The authors of the case studies wish to disassociate the
institutions with which they are associated from opinions expressed
in the case studies and from any errors or omission therein.
> Case
Studies main page
> Introduction
ON THIS PAGE:
> I. The problem in context
> II. The local and external players and their roles
> III. Challenges faced and the outcomes
> Sugar
> The garment sector
> Alternative opportunities for the future
> IV. Lessons for others: Fiji’s approach to loss of preferences
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I. The problem in context back to top
This case study of Fiji explores the way in
which its government and people are preparing to deal with the expected
end of preferential trading relationships, and is based largely on
interviews conducted in Fiji over several days in August 2004. In March
1997 the WTO Secretariat published its report of Fiji’s first review
under the Trade Policy Review Mechanism (TPRM).(1)
Paragraph 37 of the report’s summary observations provides a good
starting point for the current study. It reads, in part:
Fiji’s economy depends heavily on sugar, tourism
and clothing. The need to lessen the dependence on the sugar industry
may become more urgent as Fiji’s preferential status in its sugar
export markets is eroded in the long term. Similarly, the clothing
sector, also facing an erosion of preferential access, could require
efficiency gains to remain competitive. Diversification of the economy
will, however, require attention to the problem of shortages of
professional and technical personnel that have resulted from the high
rates of emigration over the past decade.(2)
What has happened in Fiji since 1997 to
facilitate diversification of the economy away from reliance on
preference-dependent sectors and what policies and strategies are being
pursued to this end? Can this small island nation adapt its workforce
and economy to cope with the challenges of the early twenty-first
century? Fiji’s successful adaptation to change would be important to
both the country and the region, while failure would probably have grave
consequences.
II. The local and
external players and their roles back to top
Fiji’s political and economic relations with
the countries affording it preferences for its exported goods — mainly
Australia, New Zealand and the European Union (EU) — have long been key
to the islands’ prospects for success. As a sign that Fiji’s
relations with the EU are more significant than its need to participate
in the WTO, Fiji maintains an embassy in Brussels that — as a part-time
responsibility — looks after developments in Geneva. Decisions made in
Canberra, Brussels and Wellington are critically important to
policy-makers in Suva. This is a tough position to be in, and one would
expect that it would encourage Fijians to co-operate with each other as
a way of promoting a common cause.
The government and the state-owned sugar
company have traditionally played a central role in Fiji’s economic
development. The government’s Native Land Trust Board and the Fijians
it represents is another central actor. Foreign investors are also
important, particularly in the garment sector, where they dominate the
ownership of the industry. The government and private-sector outside
investors should be working together.
However, even a few days on the islands are
sufficient to give an outside observer the impression that politics have
deeply divided key local players. The role played in Fiji’s affairs by
these local actors will hopefully be apparent in the section that
follows. In many cases the local players seem to have permitted their
disagreements with fellow Fijians to guide their actions in ways that
are unlikely to advance what some would imagine should be commonly
shared goals.
III. Challenges
faced and the outcomes back to top
Fiji’s trade and economic prospects are
heavily dependent on developments in a few key economic sectors. The
challenges faced in these sectors, current policies and likely prospects
are explored below.
Sugar
back to top
The sugar sector of the global economy is
undoubtedly one of the most distorted, given the plethora of production
and export subsidies and extremely restrictive access barriers
complicating sales to the world’s major sugar-consuming markets.
Tragically, sugar is also a commodity that many developing countries
have come to depend upon as a mainstay of their local economy and as a
principal source of export earnings.
At present, the sugar sector in Fiji is
central to the overall wellbeing of the national economy. The industry
contributes 7%(3)
of the country’s GDP, and generates between $250 million and $300
million in revenue each year.(4)
The sugar industry directly employs some 35, 000 people, while around
220, 000 people — including farmers, cane cutters, truck drivers and
mill workers — depend directly or indirectly on the sugar sector for
their livelihoods. In international trade terms, sugar is the country’s
second most important export, after garments.
The sugar industry has benefited significantly
over the years from access to the EU’s preferential trade regime for
sugar. Under the arrangement, the EU pays prices substantially above
world market price levels for imports of sugar from specified ACP(5)
countries — up to three times the world price —with about half of the
preferential import quota allocated to Mauritius and the rest divided
among sixteen other ACP suppliers. Although the programme is quite
complicated in its operation, its bottom line effects are easy to
understand. At the time of writing, the world market price for raw sugar
stood at around 35 cents a kilogramme; the cost of sugar production in
Fiji amounts to about 42 cents a kilogramme. Roughly 48% of Fiji’s
annual sugar production is exported to the EU at a price nearly three
times the world price level, about 25% of production is consumed locally
and the rest is exported mainly to the world market at a price that
reflects a significant loss relative to the cost of production. Already,
these statistics reveal a fragile situation — but additional internal
and external dynamics are combining to make the picture even more dire.
Within the EU, changes are being debated to
sugar policy that, if implemented, would drastically cut the price paid
for preferential sugar imports from ACP countries. The scheme, as it has
existed up to now, is collapsing in part under the weight of
dramatically increased imports of sugar into the EU from least developed
countries under the ‘Everything But Arms’ (EBA) preference
arrangement. None could have anticipated nor imagined how quickly EBA
sugar suppliers could ramp up their production. Reportedly, sales of EBA
sugar into the EU from countries such as Sudan, Bangladesh, Mozambique
and Zambia have reached a level of around 1.8 million tons in just over
two years. On top of this, the WTO case brought against the EU sugar
regime by Brazil, Australia and Thailand could require the EU to cut the
intervention price for sugar by up to 40%. A final external factor to
take into account is competition from Brazil. Officials in both Fiji and
Mauritius have told the author that Brazilian sugar suppliers are
probably unique in being able to sell on the world market at world
prices and still make a profit — although there are allegations of heavy
subsidies to the industry in that country. Moreover, Brazil’s
sugar-producing capacity is reportedly growing rapidly, further
exacerbating competitive pressure on suppliers such as Fiji.
Against this rather bleak global picture, how
is Fiji preparing for the likely end of preferences for its sugar
exports? By all accounts, the situation of the industry is bad and
getting worse. Rather than working hard to make the industry more
competitive in an effort to remain in the sugar business, the
government, farmers and the sugar industry all appear to be working at
cross-purposes. Ross McDonald, the chairman of the board of the Fiji
Sugar Corporation, has been quoted as saying, ‘My observations are
that generally all the stakeholders are pulling in their own direction.’(6)
Looking at the current situation in Fiji’s
sugar industry, an outside observer could be tempted to reach the
conclusion that an unconscious decision has been made to abandon the
industry even before the end of the EU’s preference scheme. A critical
problem is that of land tenure. Some 87% of the land in Fiji is owned by
ethnic Fijian extended families and managed by the Native Land Trust
Board (NLTB), and most of the farmland devoted to sugar cultivation was
leased, mainly to Indo-Fijians, for thirty-year periods under the
provisions of the Agriculture Landlord and Tenants Act of 1976. Those
leases, the bulk of which have evidently expired over the past three to
four years, are not being renewed. The Indo-Fijians are leaving farms
and the ethnic Fijians are evidently not taking up sugar farming in
their place. Consequently, sugar production has fallen dramatically as
land is taken out of production.
A further problem, not unrelated to the land
tenure issue, is the fact that farmers have allowed many fields to
degrade to the point where some landholdings have supplied as many as
twenty ratoon crops.(7)
Part of the reason for this can be ascribed to the reluctance of farmers
to invest in new plantings when they expect to leave the land. Another
fact that cannot be ignored is that the Fiji Sugar Corporation pays
farmers for the weight of cane delivered to the mills, with no regard to
the cane’s sugar content. Sugar mills in Fiji are antiquated and have
benefited from very little investment over the years. Bagasse, the
by-product of sugar-cane processing, which in Mauritius is used to power
electricity production in specially configured plants, goes to waste in
Fiji because the electricity company and the sugar company cannot agree
on the price to be paid for the bagasse. Finally, despite the millions
of tons of sugar it has exported to the EU at intervention price levels
over the years, the Fiji Sugar Corporation is reportedly insolvent and
remains in business only through government grants and guaranteed loans.
In these circumstances, it has clearly not been in a position to
undertake the kind of product development research and marketing
activities that have characterized the Mauritian sugar industry.
Is there a coherent sugar strategy for the
future? If so, it is not apparent according to the views of people who
should know. The government is watching very closely the debates in
Brussels and hoping to hang on to whatever benefits it can for as long
as possible. Even if sugar production in Fiji has declined dramatically
in recent years, it will be years before there can be a wholesale
changeover to alternative agricultural production.
Luke Ratuvuki, the chief executive of the
Ministry of Agriculture, Sugar and Land Resettlement, observed that
there are many other crops that can be successfully cultivated in place
of sugar, but the transition will take some time. Fruits, maize, rice
and vegetables are all possible, but the government is interested in
ensuring that there is value added through local processing and this
will require substantial amounts of (mainly foreign) investment. Cut
flowers might be another option, but transportation apparently poses
problems. Exporting cut flowers to rich overseas markets requires
reliable and reasonably priced air transport. According to Ratuvuki,(8)
Air Pacific — which is practically the monopoly international air
service to Fiji — typically has its cargo space booked out long ahead of
time and charges rates which would make cut flower shipments
non-competitive.
If the NLTB’s policy of systematically
terminating leases of agricultural land to non-ethnic Fijians was
designed to have produced economic and social benefits for the
indigenous community as part of a government ‘blueprint’ launched
four years ago, that policy seems to have failed spectacularly.
According to an article in the Fiji Times,(9)
a recently issued Asian Development Bank report found that the Fijian
population in squatter settlements had increased dramatically, with 5,
295 Fijian squatter households in the Central Division compared with 3,
377 Indian squatter households. In what some dismissed as a highly
partisan reaction to the report, the Labour Party’s leader in the
Fijian parliament, Mahendra Chaudry, was quoted in the newspaper article
as saying that ‘the notion of landless Fijians is preposterously
ironic, given the fact that about 90% of land in Fiji is owned by
Fijians’.
The garment sector
back to top
The garment-producing sector is the most
important industrial sector in Fiji today and can generally trace its
origins to a combination of domestic incentives, the existence of the
global scheme of allocated trade for textiles and apparel under the GATT’s
Multifibre Arrangement and the WTO successor arrangement, and special
preferential trading arrangements put in place by Australia and New
Zealand under the South Pacific Regional Trade and Economic Co-operation
Agreement (SPARTECA). Most of Fiji’s garment factories are
foreign-owned and many depend upon preferential access for their
continued profitability. In the 1990s the production and export of
garments grew rapidly, but in recent years the industry has been hit by
three factors that could well threaten its long-term viability.
A first major problem concerns the impending
end of quota arrangements under the WTO’s Agreement on Textiles and
Clothing (ATC). Faced with the potential closure of many foreign-owned
plants that were established in the country solely to take advantage of
Fiji’s quota in developed country markets, the government in Suva has
had to consider its position in the WTO. According to Isikeli Mataitoga,(10)
chief executive officer of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and External
Trade, the government is attempting to address this problem by joining
with other textile and apparel exporting countries in the so-called ‘Istanbul
Consensus Group’ to seek a three-year extension of the restrictive
trading arrangements under the WTO.
Such an extension is likely to be problematic.
In any event, far more important to the future of the garment industry
in Fiji is the SPARTECA arrangement and preferential access to the
Australian market. As the original SPARTECA scheme drew to a close in
1999, Fiji lobbied Australia for a new scheme that would include relaxed
rules of origin for certain categories of products. A new SPARTECA-wide
scheme was agreed and ready for implementation when the 2000 coup in
Fiji put everything on hold, leaving the industry in limbo for some time
and hitting many producers very hard. The arrest of the coup leader and
the installation of an interim government allowed the new preferential
arrangements to go into effect, but with a termination date of end-2004.
In July 2004, just months before the
termination date, Australian Prime Minister John Howard agreed (on the
fringes of a South Pacific Forum meeting in Apia, Samoa) to an extension
of the treatment. According to Mark Halabe,(11)
managing director of Mark One Apparel, the Howard government’s
agreement to extend preferential treatment to imports of garments from
Fiji is a success story of government working with industry in Fiji. He
also gives credit to lobbying assistance from the Australian textiles,
clothing and footwear (TCF) industry and his Australian buyers who
helped to convince the government in Canberra that the preference scheme
should be extended.
Halabe is an Australian national whose garment
factory, located in a tax-free factory zone fifteen minutes’ drive
from Suva, employs about 600 people — mostly indigenous Fijians. On the
day of the author’s visit to the plant, the production line was
focused on work shirts and vests, most of which incorporated reflective
safety materials. State-of-the-art computerized fabric mapping and
cutting machines ensure rapid and accurate cutting of shirt parts and an
efficient use of fabric. Other high-tech equipment sews pockets and
flaps onto the shirts in seconds, supplementing the work of employees at
industrial sewing machines.
Halabe is of the view that while extension of
the WTO ATC quotas may or may not benefit some segments of the Fijian
garment sector, the seven-year extension of preferential treatment in
the Australian market will set up a situation where some segments of the
industry will be well positioned to survive over the longer term in a
non-preferential environment. Part of the reason for this optimism is
that the new seven-year preference arrangement for Fiji is thought
likely to be related in its operation to the Australian government’s
Strategic Industry Plan that incorporates important incentives for the
use of productivity enhancing equipment. In addition, Halabe hopes that
several million dollars might be made available to the garment industry
in Fiji to fund training and assist in recapitalization of production
facilities.
Today, Fiji’s garment sector employs some
14, 000 people, with garment exports exceeding the value of sugar
exports (although the statistics collected by the government in Suva
evidently mask the importance of the sector by subsuming textiles and
clothing statistics within a broader category of ‘manufacturing’).
After China, Fiji is the second most important supplier of garments to
the Australian market, with a market share of about 6%. Where will the
industry be in seven years’ time, when the preferential regime
expires?
In Halabe’s view, the industry has a
long-term future even without a preference in the Australian market.
Although he readily admits that the Fijian industry will never be able
to compete with Chinese suppliers on price, he considers that there are
other factors that will keep Fiji in the Australian market. Chief among
these is the fact that Fijian manufacturers will be more responsive to
the needs of their customers in the relatively small Australian market
than is likely to be the case with Chinese producers who concentrate on
realizing economies of scale through massive production runs aimed at
far larger markets in the United States, Japan and Europe. The Fijian
industry on the other hand has a long history of relationships with
Australian buyers and will be able to supply quality garments, on time
and at a stable price. In seven years’ time it is likely that
continued differential labour costs will see the migration to Fiji of
most garment manufacturing now taking place in Australia.
Alternative opportunities for the future
back to top
Naturally enough, Fiji’s economic and trade
prospects for the future are not limited to sugar and garment
production; a number of other alternatives present themselves. In recent
years, mining — mainly for gold — has accounted for as much as 3% of
GDP, but a combination of technical difficulties in production and wide
swings in the world price for gold have undermined the sector’s
viability. Fiji is the location of the world’s largest mature mahogany
plantation and the country is poised to benefit from the harvesting of
this renewable resource. Exploitation of the mahogany plantation has
reportedly been delayed by political infighting over how the revenue
from the timber should be shared. The author was told by more than one
interviewee that tensions over this question contributed to the impetus
for the 2000 coup.
According to Luke Ratuvuki, the commercial
fishing sector has grown rapidly in recent years and holds great promise
for the future. The industry specializes in fresh and chilled tuna, as
well as canned tuna. The canned product is exported mainly to the United
States and EU countries, while substantial quantities of sashimi-grade
tuna are exported to Japan. Fiji has acted to retain a certain amount of
the exploitation of this sector for locals by limiting foreign fishing
fleets to set quantities.
Tom Vuetilovoni, Fiji’s Minister for
Commerce, Business Development and Investment, is quick to point out
that Fiji has some important success stories. Fiji Water, a locally
bottled mineral water, has benefited from effective marketing to become
the second-ranked mineral water in the lucrative US market. He notes
that the fact that the Southern Cross cable passes through Fiji on its
way from Australia and New Zealand to the United States creates
important opportunities for Fiji as a regional centre of information
communications technology (ICT) activities. ANZ Bank, for example, has
located a significant call centre in Fiji.
Vuetilovoni admitted that a complicating
factor limiting growth in the ICT/Internet sector is the very high price
currently charged by Fiji’s monopoly telecommunications company for
Internet service provider (ISP) access. This situation is likely to
change as the monopoly seeks government approval to realign its cost and
pricing structure, which up to now has used high Internet and
international connection charges to cross-subsidize cheap local calls.
The company is seeking the right to offer different packages, some of
which will dramatically lower Internet access charges.
Other services sectors present a mixed picture
for Fiji. Not surprisingly, tourism features importantly in the
government’s plans for the future. There have also been promising
discussions with foreign-based film-makers, many of whom have evidently
found Fiji to be a costeffective location.
Brian Singh, chief executive officer for the
Ministry of Labour, Industrial Relations and Productivity, admits that
one problem Fiji faces in the services sector harks back to the WTO
Trade Policy Review’s comment on the shortage of professional and
technical personnel. According to Singh, Fiji has no long-term plans for
future skills training. The problem of a lack of skilled personnel has
become critical in some sectors. In the construction industry, for
example, a lack of trained local labour has led to the importation of
substantial numbers of construction workers from the Philippines. The
construction sector is not the only segment of the economy with a labour
shortage. Evidently the growth in the supply of trained local hotel
staff has not kept pace with the anticipated expansion of the tourism
sector, contributing to concerns that expatriates might need to be hired
for catering and catering administration jobs in Fijian hotels and
resorts.
Traditionally, Fiji draws most of its overseas
tourists from Australia, New Zealand, Japan and the United States, and
the sector is very important in terms of its contribution, directly and
indirectly, to employment, foreign exchange earnings and the viability
of the national carrier, Air Pacific (a major stake in which is held by
the Australian airline Qantas). Although exclusive five star and ‘five
star plus’ accommodation is available in Fiji, most of the industry’s
development to date has been centred on the middle-class Australian and
New Zealand tourist markets, which tend to be price-sensitive. In this
context, it seems clear that a more competitive and efficient aviation
transport sector in the Pacific, able to provide good quality service at
reasonable prices will be a key factor in the development of the tourism
industry in Fiji and neighbouring islands.
The future of the sector was the focus of
discussion at the July 2004 Fiji Tourism Forum. At that meeting, the
chief executive of Air Pacific, John Campbell, was reported to have
issued a number of warnings about the future prospects for tourism in
Fiji.(12)
As a strategy for countering competition from ‘no frills’ airlines
that were beginning service to Fiji, Air Pacific had cut ticket prices
from Australia and New Zealand by up to 30% only to find that its
ability to fill its flights was being compromised by a number of
negatives in the Fiji hotel and resort sector. According to Campbell, a
major problem is that many Fijian hotels are raising their prices for
rooms, food and drink, and telephone calls to levels that are
threatening to price them out of business. He commented that a lack of
quality hotel rooms is also a problem in the market, compounded by the
fact that electricity and water supplies are not matching demand, with
the consequence of potential ‘brown-outs’ compromising the industry’s
ability to provide services of a quality expected by tourists. Campbell
also cited infrastructure problems and deficiencies at Nadia and Nausori
airports, resulting in long immigration lines and slow baggage delivery
as issues that required priority attention if the sector is to grow.
Another issue that has arisen recently to
complicate the tourism sector relates to the way in which tourist
resorts are financed. As is now commonplace in many tourist locations,
developers in Fiji have supplemented their sources of financing by
selling units in resort hotels to private investors who are normally
expected to turn the unit over to the hotel management in exchange for a
share of the income. These private investors, naturally enough, enjoyed
benefits and tax breaks similar to the resort developer — benefits the
Fijian government proffered in the belief that additional hotel rooms
would enhance the prospects for tourist arrivals and spending on the
Fijian economy. Things went awry at one major development when it became
known that many of the private-sector investors in hotel units were
opting to pocket the tax benefits from their investment and then live in
the units they had purchased instead of making them available for use by
tourists. The government reportedly reacted to this development by
suspending the benefits it had previously made available to the private
sector investors, effectively ending this form of tourist development
financing.
IV. Lessons for
others: Fiji’s approach to loss of preferences back to top
Many people would argue that in the world of
2004 the sugar industry is not the industry to pursue as a means of
making money. Many of them would also argue that the best course of
action for a country in Fiji’s circumstances would be to get out of
the industry. Such comments ignore the fact that sugar continues to be a
mainstay of the Fijian economy and the country’s most important
employer. That said, there can be little doubt that an unhappy
combination of political infighting, misdirected policies and a lack of
investment in new technologies and infrastructure has put the Fijian
sugar industry on a long downhill slide. In the absence of a major
turnaround effort, Fiji anyway appears to be on its way out of this
industry. As Ross McDonald put it recently, ‘We now have this one
window of opportunity and it’s an opportunity we have to take. We have
to stop pointing fingers at everybody else and work together to get the
industry moving again. The alternative is a disaster, and that’s
something we cannot contemplate.’(13)
If the Fijian sugar sector is to prepare for the end of preferences, it
must face a long and tough internal reform before it can hope to be
competitive in world markets.
The outlook is far more optimistic for the
garment sector. While it is true that both the government and industry’s
first reaction to the end of preferences has been to seek a further
extension of special trading arrangements (both in Australia through
SPARTECA and in the WTO through association with the Istanbul Consensus
group), there are nevertheless reasons to think that Mark Halabe’s
vision of Fiji as a cost-competitive niche supplier of quality garments
to the Australian market is a real possibility. But that industry needs
to remain focused and to take advantage of the time remaining for
preferential trade to undertake needed training programmes and
investment in technologies contributing to efficiency gains. The Fijian
government will likely need to co-operate as well. From the interviews
conducted by the author, it seems that many of the garment producers now
in Fiji would probably leave if the government implemented its rumoured
plans to end the tax-free factory scheme.
Fiji’s failure to deal effectively with
skilled labour shortages that were already apparent in 1996 when the WTO
Secretariat conducted its trade policy review must be viewed as a
serious concern. With the sugar industry in long-term decline and
limited opportunities to create employment for Fijians in sectors such
as the construction industry and tourism, it makes no sense at all for
the country to be importing workers from the Philippines and elsewhere
when it could be training its own nationals in these areas.
Political instability has hit Fiji hard in
recent years. Many comments were made to the author about the number of
companies which saw their businesses undermined or ruined by the events
of 2000. Although the country seems to be settling down under the rule
of law — something that has been demonstrated this year by the
government’s acceptance of the jailing of the Vice Prime Minister — one cannot escape the impression that many serious economic issues are
still treated as political footballs in Fiji. Too many stakeholders are
still pulling in their own directions instead of co-operating for the
common good; this is not preparing Fiji particularly well for the day
when its preferential trade arrangements disappear.
NOTES:
1.- WTO Secretariat, Trade Policy Review — Fiji, Document WT/TPR/S/24, 13 March 1997, Geneva: World Trade
Organization. back to text
2.- Ibid., p. xiii. back to text
3.- Theodore Levantis, Frank Jotzo and Vivek
Tupule, ‘Ending of EU Sugar Trade Preferences, Potential Consequences
for Fiji’, ABARE Current Issues 03.2, 2002, p. 2. back to text
4.- Arthur McCutchan, Fiji Business,
August 2004, p. 3. back to text
5.- African, Caribbean and Pacific. back to text
6.- McCutchan, Fiji Business, p. 4. back to text
7.- In the first year of a sugar cane crop,
stalks of cane are planted in freshly ploughed ground, and when the crop
matures the cane is cut and the stump left in the soil. New cane will
grow from these stumps, although its quality in terms of sugar content
will generally decline with each passing year. Cane grown from stumps of
the previous harvest is known as a ‘ratoon’ crop, and experts say
that after a maximum of three ratoon crops the stumps should be removed,
the ground re-ploughed and new stalks planted. A twentieth-generation
ratoon crop would likely produce considerably lower sugar yield. back to text
8.- Interview with the author, 18 Aug. 2004. back to text
9.- Imran Ali, ‘Blueprint Failed’, Fiji
Times, 20 August 2004, p. 3. back to text
10.- Interview with the author, 18 Aug. 2004.
back to text
11.- Interview with the author, 19 Aug. 2004.
back to text
12.- Robert Keith-Reid, ‘Air Pacific Chief
Warns Tourism Industry’, Fiji Islands Business, August 2004, p.
13. back to text
13.- McCutchan, Fiji Business, p. 7. back to text
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* Executive Director, Institute for International Business, Economics
and Law, University of Adelaide.
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