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TAMBIÉN:
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Discursos:
Renato Ruggiero
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I wish to thank the Italian Government for inviting me to
attend this conference. I am only sorry that I shall not
be able to spend more time with you, but you know of the
pressures and needs of Geneva at the moment.In
a few short days we shall be in Seattle, at the WTO's
Third Ministerial Conference. What happens in Seattle
will shape our institution and determine the quality of
trade relations among nations as we enter the new
millennium. The stakes are high, and we still have a lot
of work to do if we are to make Seattle the success that
it should be. Failure is unthinkable. We seem to live in
a special world in Geneva, a world of insurmountable
opportunities, however that is true of the wider world
too, isn't it?
Recently
I advised Ministers that the situation in Geneva was
serious but not desperate. After long hours I can report
progress. The situation is desperate but not serious.
The
differences among governments over which we are
struggling right now in Geneva are genuine and honest
differences. And the efforts to bridge them are every bit
as genuine. Priorities are bound to differ, but there is
a common objective the objective of maintaining
and strengthening equitable and stable trade relations
among nations. But this is not about trade for trade's
sake. It is about providing a solid basis for higher
incomes, new opportunities, better jobs and improved
lifestyles for people everywhere. Therefore a safer, more
stable and predictable world.
The
atmosphere in Geneva is positive, and I think we should
be optimistic. Not everything can be agreed before we go
to Seattle. Ministers will have to provide leadership.
But we must offer a solid basis from which to work, and
that is what I hope we shall achieve in the next few
days. We are not there yet. Ambassadors can only go as
far as their instructions from capitals. Again I call for
more flexibility, sensitivity and vision from capitals.
II
The
world will be watching us at Seattle. Imagine the cost of
failure? It is still possible that through stubborn
neglect of mutual interests, and a refusal to accommodate
divergent needs, we could fail to agree in Seattle, or
worse, agree to fail. Think of the gift we would be
handing our critics. What would that mean? We stopped the
poor getting a fairer deal? We stopped progress?
Thats the equivalent of celebrating Europe NOT
enlarging. That's celebrating a new Berlin Wall going up.
What would they want to stop next, and how would we get
started again? We represent the last 50 years, that has
seen, in most countries, living standards rise, people
living longer, infant mortality down. Never in the
history of mankind has there been such steady progress,
but not always even and never enough. Never have so many
people celebrated their political and economic freedom.
It
is not enough that governments accept their
responsibilities to craft the deal waiting to be made in
Seattle. Governments also have a shared responsibility to
explain why we have the WTO, and why we must invest the
time and effort that we do in nurturing and strengthening
our institution. Our critics are sometimes more vocal
than our supporters, and not all our critics are wrong.
We must engage them and improve our game. It is
not difficult to find things wrong with our system. What
system fashioned by humans is perfect? We must be the
only business in town without a marketing division, where
our customers and owners must be our sales people.
Those
who oppose and protest are not all bad or mad. Many want
to improve the WTO or capture it to reflect their
interests. Thats a form of flattery, I suppose.
Many seek honest engagement, and it is to these that we
must respond. As Commissioner Lamy has pointed out on
other occasions, this is not only about succeeding at
Seattle. Even more important is the aftermath, the
challenge of negotiating good results and then having
those results approved in national legislatures. In the
end political leaders are accountable to parliaments, to
ballot boxes. Their owners; the people. When I lost an
election in New Zealand on election night, I said the
people are always right. Even when they are wrong, they
are right.
I
make no apologies for what we seek to achieve with our
multilateral trading system all I want to do is do
better. 100,000 people may be demonstrating against us at
Seattle. But remember too, that 1.5 billion people and
more than 30 countries want to join the WTO. They know
what it offers and want to be part of it. What's wrong in
wanting China and Russia to be part of a rules-based
world? It is one of those great contradictions, that
while the world celebrates political freedom as it has
spread throughout Europe, Africa, Asia and South America,
the open minds that celebrate these freedoms frequently
close their minds to the economic freedoms that trade
offers. There's a contradiction among those who give
generously at Church on Sunday when there is a flood or
earthquake in the third world, then on Monday sign a
petition to lock out the products their workers create.
III
What
should we tell our critics that we are fighting for in
Seattle? I offer three core messages. First, the
multilateral trading system is an essential component of
the architecture for international cooperation, peace and
progress. The world would not be a safer place without
the UN, IMF, World Bank or WTO despite their
imperfections. We know from our turbulent history of six
or seven decades ago that failures in international
cooperation lead to serious economic hardship and can
contribute to strife and war. It was this costly,
devastating lesson that inspired leaders at that time to
craft the multilateral system which today we seek to keep
healthy and make stronger. The GATT/WTO system is a force
for international peace and order. A fortification
against disorder. This is reason enough to insist on the
rightness of what we are doing. If we did not have the
multilateral trading system, there would surely be a need
to invent it. No one, I hope, wants less trade, less
investment, fewer jobs, less ideas and less research. No
one, I hope, wants the world to assume the foetal
position and welcome a new dark age.
Second,
our system can be harnessed to address poverty, to create
a more inclusive world. While the GATT started out in
1947 with 23 members, today the WTO comprises 134
countries, with more joining all the time. With the
explosion of membership has come new challenges and
adjusted priorities. More than two-thirds of our members
are engaged in a struggle against poverty that is quite
literally a matter of life and death. Trading
opportunities and adjustment to the conditions of
international competition are key ingredients in helping
to lift countries and their peoples out of poverty, but
not the only ingredient. Not only is there a moral
urgency about this, because poverty and despair degrades
us all, but we need to create customers of the future for
the successful economies of today.
Those
who want to stop the WTO from advancing, including in its
efforts to create better market opportunities for poorer
countries, would do well to reflect on how defensible
that position is, not least on moral grounds. I have
placed great emphasis since coming to the WTO on the need
to guarantee unrestricted market access for all the
products of the least-developed countries. This, surely,
is not too much to ask. After all, the least-developed
countries account for less than 0.5 percent of world
exports. And the countries concerned would have the
advantage of knowing that whatever they can produce they
can sell without having to surmount obstacles in the
shape of trade measures.
My
third point, which is closely related to the
second, is that our system nurtures and helps to create
new opportunities for millions of people. The information
revolution, whose benefits the multilateral trading
system is instrumental in spreading, has shrunken time
and distance in ways that we could not have imagined just
a few years ago. People who try to stop the WTO's efforts
to reduce protection and enlarge opportunity may not want
to arrest the spread of benefits from technological
advancement, but that is likely to be a by-product. When
I was a boy it would have taken a year's wages of a
worker to buy the Encyclopaedia Britannica for their
children. Today, it's free on the Internet. Who wants to
use yesterday's technologies and techniques today? What
mother does not seek the very best medical attention,
regardless of its state of origin, when her child is
sick? There are endless ways that greater opportunities
and better lifestyles flow from an environment of
openness that adjusts to change.
IV
We
have always enjoyed the globalization of literature and
music. On the most lonely pacific atoll, in the most
distant jungle valley, people listen to Italian opera,
read Shakespeare and essentially have the same hopes and
ambitions, that their children have a better life than
they. We all want a fairer world, a world of opportunity
accessible to all. The old divides of North-South, of
left and right, no longer apply. What divides us today is
the difference between those that welcome the future and
those that fear it. The future is not to be feared. It is
to be faced. Let us face it together and strive to
improve what we have and share it more effectively. We
have within us the opportunity to make the next century
so much better, having learnt from our horrible and
lethal failures in the first half of this century. Ladies
and gentlemen, we have the rare chance to make the next
century one based on law, rules, engagement and
persuasion. Or a world based on coercion, force and
power. I hope we can lift our vision, and look beyond
ourselves and our short term national interests and
therefore honour our parents who created us and our
institutions.
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